【Bilingual】中美新时代正确相处之道

近日，中国国务委员兼外长王毅在亚洲协会纽约总部发表《中美新时代正确相处之道》的主旨演讲。

中美新时代正确相处之道

——王毅国务委员兼外长在美国亚洲协会的演讲

国务委员兼外交部长 王毅

女士们，先生们，

时隔三年再次来到纽约出席联合国大会，很高兴再同各位朋友见面。

这几年来，中美关系徘徊在建交后的低谷。两国相互依存的现实被漠视，合作共赢的历史被歪曲，对话沟通的渠道被堵塞，所谓的战略竞争正在以危险的方式定义、影响中美关系，给两国人民和世界各国的未来带来巨大的变数。

显而易见，中美关系的意义早已超出双边，影响全球。国际社会普遍期待中美两国发挥引领作用，承担大国责任，稳定双边关系，推动全球合作。

去年以来，习近平主席和拜登总统以各种灵活方式进行了多次战略沟通。习近平主席指出，中美能否处理好彼此关系，攸关世界前途命运，是两国必须回答好的世纪之问。拜登总统表示，美中关系是世界上最重要的双边关系，如何发展将塑造21世纪的世界格局。

两国元首都认为中美关系只能搞好不能搞坏，都认为中美不应该冲突对抗，都主张两国加强交流合作。拜登总统多次强调，美方不寻求打新冷战，不寻求改变中国体制，不寻求通过强化同盟关系反对中国，不支持台独，无意同中国发生冲突。世人都期待美方能把这些重要表态真正落实在行动上。

两个优秀的乐团合作，首先需要指挥家确定共同的基调，同时也需要所有的演奏者按照同一套乐谱，发出和谐的音符。但大家看到的是，美方的团队似乎拿了两套乐谱，并没有把领导人稳定双边关系的政治意愿转化为合乎逻辑的政策，中国人民和各国人民都感到困惑，也当然会提出以下疑问：

美方炮制莫须有的民主对抗威权叙事，刻意放大中美意识形态对立，将矛头指向中国的政治制度、发展道路和执政党。这种情况下，如何履行不寻求改变中国体制的承诺？

美方把中国定义为最主要对手和最严峻长期挑战，实施全方位遏制，试图通过塑造周边战略环境来围堵中国，还胁迫各国选边站队、编织各种排除中国的小圈子。这种情况下，如何避免发生新的冷战？

美方不顾中方强烈反对，执意在25年后再次允许众议长访台。一次次官方往来，不断提升实质关系，一次次售台武器，甚至包括很多进攻性武器。最近又在推进审议所谓台湾政策法案，企图从根本上动摇中美三个联合公报构成的中美关系根基。这种情况下，如何兑现不支持台独的重要表态？

美方持续对华贸易战，即使被世贸组织判定违规，仍执意对约3600亿美元中国输美商品加征高额关税，同时单边制裁中国企业的单子越拉越长，已经达到1000多个实体和个人。这种情况下，如何来维护中美和全球产业链供应链的稳定？

美方在涉及中国核心利益和发展权益的问题上没完没了地挑衅，同时又提出要保持关系稳定，避免冲突对抗，这在逻辑上和现实上都是矛盾的。

症结在哪里？从根本上讲，还是美方对中国、对世界、对自己的认知出了偏差，无论是挑动全面对抗，还是鼓吹战略竞争，都偏离了中美关系的正确轨道。

女士们，先生们，

今年是尼克松总统访华50周年，也是八一七公报发表40周年。历史是重要的，有了历史才有现在，珍视历史才有未来。

我前几天专门拜访了基辛格博士，再次共同回顾了50年前中美双方达成共识的曲折故事和其中蕴含的智慧胸怀。中美从接触第一天起，就知道是在和一个很不相同的国家打交道。但这些差异的存在，并没有妨碍两国打破坚冰建立外交关系，也没有妨碍双方基于共同利益深化合作，更没有妨碍双方为世界和平繁荣做出共同贡献。

展望未来50年，中美关系能否健康稳定发展，仍然取决于我们能否正确对待这些差异，并以此为基础追求各自和共同的利益。

关于中美两国的正确相处之道，习近平主席已经给出了明确答案，那就是相互尊重、和平共处、合作共赢。这三项原则是审视中美关系半个多世纪风云跌宕得出的重要论断，也是当今时代大国之间彼此交往的正确之道。

我首先谈相互尊重。

没有尊重，就谈不上信任，没有信任，就无法避免冲突，也谈不上真正的合作。这是中美交往积累的重要经验，也是双边关系重回正轨的基本前提。

50年前发表了上海公报，双方同意不论社会制度如何，都要尊重彼此主权和领土完整、不侵犯别国、不干涉别国内政。50年后的今天，这一指导原则更具有现实意义。我们可以清晰地认识到，中国不会成为另一个美国，美国也无法按自己的好恶改变中国，双方谁也打倒不了谁，这就需要尊重彼此的选择。

把自己的选择定义为民主，把对方的选择定义为威权，把成功定义为改变对方，既不符合事实，更不现实。

我们尊重美国人民选择的发展道路，乐见美国开放自信、发展进步。美国也应当尊重中国人民选择的发展道路，这就是中国特色社会主义。

这条道路，是中国人民自己走出来的，也有着清晰的历史逻辑。近代以来，中国人民在救亡振兴的道路上艰辛探索，包括西方体制在内的各种方案轮番出台，但都因水土不服，以失败告终。直到中国共产党把马克思主义同中国具体实际相结合，同中国的传统文化相结合，才团结带领中国人民实现了民族独立和解放，并最终找到了走向繁荣富强的正确道路。

这条道路，开辟了中国式现代化的广阔前景。我们全面建成小康社会，历史性消除绝对贫困，用短短几十年时间，从积贫积弱成长为世界第二大经济体，用全球9%的耕地养活了世界近20%的人口，形成了4亿以上的中等收入群体。14亿中国人民走向现代化，迈向共同富裕，将是人类发展历史上的奇迹。

这条道路，为中国人民带来了真正的人权和民主。我们建成了世界规模最大的社会保障和义务教育体系，把人的全面发展放在第一位，让每一个人都有人生出彩的机会。我们把选举民主和协商民主、程序民主和实质民主结合起来，推进全过程人民民主，得到全体中国人民的衷心拥护。美国权威机构民调也显示，中国民众对政府的支持率连年高达90%以上。

与此同时，我们清醒地认识到，中国的发展还有很长的路要走。中国人均GDP才刚过1.2万美元，排在世界60多位。人类发展指数的排名仍在70多位。我们首要的任务仍然是集中力量，实现更平衡、更充分的发展，满足人民日益增长的美好生活需要。我们坚持把国家和民族发展放在自己力量的基点上，同时也愿意与包括美国在内的各国开展互利互惠合作，为中国发展创造有利外部环境。

中国人民历经5000年悠久文明的洗礼，既自信自立，又谦逊包容。我们将沿着自主选择的道路和方向坚定不移地走下去，并走得更稳、走得更好。我们也愿继续借鉴一切国际上的有益经验和人类文明成果，始终张开双臂拥抱世界，把开放的大门越开越大。

一些人担忧中国会输出意识形态，威胁别国的价值观，这完全没有必要。历史上的中国就没有传教布道的做法，今天的我们也没有输出制度和道路的想法。2500年前的中国先贤就用万物并育而不相害，道并行而不相悖来概括宇宙和大自然法则中的相互包容精神。今天的我们，应该有比古人更开阔的胸怀来看待差异，以相互尊重的态度来接受不同，并积极追求和而不同的境界。

我接下来说和平共处。

是伙伴还是对手，是合作还是对抗，这是中美关系的根本性问题，不能犯颠覆性错误。要守住和平的底线，必须做出正确的抉择。

我在这里要明确地告诉各位，中国的选择是和平，坚持的是和平发展，对中美关系的最基本期待是和平共处。

一些人看着中国一天天发展起来，就把中国当作假想敌，形成了所谓的威胁膨胀，这是典型的过度焦虑，完全没有必要。

中国人没有扩张胁迫、称王称霸的基因。恰恰相反，好战必亡国霸必衰是中国人信奉的箴言。

600年前，中国明朝航海家郑和就曾率领当时世界上最强大的船队7次进行洲际远航，比哥伦布发现新大陆还早。但是中国人没有搞任何殖民、杀戮、抢劫，而是给各国送去了茶叶、丝绸、瓷器。

我曾经在伊斯坦布尔这一东西方文明汇合之地参观过历史博物馆，左边展厅展出土耳其同中国交往的文物，主要是丝绸、瓷器等；右边展厅是土耳其同西方交往的文物，摆满着剑、枪和铠甲。这是完全不同的历史叙事。把发展的能力等同于扩张的意图，用传统大国走过的老路来预测中国，都将形成严重的误判。

今日之中国是历史中国的传承和发展。新中国成立70多年来，我们从未主动挑起一次冲突，从未侵占别国一寸土地，从未发动过一场代理人战争，从未参加过任何一个军事集团，是全世界和平记录最好的大国。我们将坚持和平发展写入执政党党章，也是世界上唯一将和平发展写进宪法的大国。中国坚持不称霸、不扩张、不胁迫、不谋求势力范围，与各国和平共处，无疑是对全球战略稳定的重大贡献。

中美实现和平共处，要遵循双方均认可的规则。在双边层面，应当是中美三个联合公报，以及两国领导人达成的重要共识，而不是将本国国内法强加于对方。在国际层面，应当是以联合国宪章宗旨和原则为基础的国际关系基本准则。这一规则和秩序是世界反法西斯同盟付出巨大代价创立的，也是用3500多万中国人伤亡的重大牺牲换来的。作为联合国发起国和第一个在宪章上签字的国家，中国没有理由，更没有必要另起炉灶、另搞一套。中美有责任共同维护好这个秩序和这套规则。美方经常提及基于规则的国际秩序，如果指的是上述规则，中方没有异议。但如果指的是别的没有国际普遍共识的东西，那美方没有权利强加于人。

中美实现和平共处，最大的障碍是冷战思维。正如殖民观念在20世纪逐步被抛弃，冷战思维在21世纪也早已过时。美国有些人希望模仿当年对苏联的遏制来打压中国，希望通过印太战略等地缘游戏来围堵中国，这注定是徒劳的。因为，中国不是前苏联，世界也不是以前的世界。只有从冷战旧梦中及早醒来，才能以冷静、理性、现实的态度看待和处理中美关系。

第三是合作共赢。

任何合作都不可能建立在你输我赢的基础上。合作共赢不仅可能，也是必须。这正是中美关系半个世纪以来的真实叙事，也是双方应当继续争取的共同目标。

中国不否认中美之间在经贸等领域存在竞争，也不惧怕竞争，但我们不赞同简单地以竞争来定义中美关系，因为这绝不是中美关系的全部和主流。同时竞争也要有边界，更要讲公平。要遵守公认的规则，而不是只想着削弱别国发展能力，剥夺对方正当权益。要进行良性而不是恶性竞争，要你追我赶而不是你死我活。

大家都熟悉华为的例子，对一家100%的民营企业，美国竟然动用政府的力量在全球范围打压，甚至威胁各国不得使用华为设备，否则就将承担后果。这显然不是公平竞争。美方基于意识形态，泛化国家安全，构筑小院高墙，鼓动脱钩断链，推行友岸外包，搞印太经济框架，建立芯片联盟，这显然也不是良性竞争。不仅无益于美国自身发展，也会扰乱全球经济合作。

在平等尊重前提下，中方愿同美方开展更多和更好的合作。布林肯国务卿在对华政策演讲中提出美中的六大合作领域，我在巴厘岛与布林肯国务卿会晤时，提出了中美8个领域合作清单。双方还可以共同把合作清单拉得更长，把合作蛋糕做得更大。中方提出的一带一路倡议、全球发展倡议、全球安全倡议等公共产品始终向包括美国在内的各方开放，也愿与美方提出的倡议开展对接，实现中美双赢和世界共赢。

既然是合作共赢，自然离不开必要的条件和氛围。美方不能一方面损害着中方核心利益，一方面又要求中方无条件合作。这一逻辑不能成立。我还要强调的是，无论中美关系如何，中国作为负责任大国，都将一如既往积极参与应对各类全球性挑战，履行中国责任，做出中国贡献。希望美方也采取同样的态度。

女士们，先生们，

台湾问题是中国核心利益中的核心，一个中国原则是中美关系政治基础中的基础，三个联合公报是中美关系最重要的护栏。当前，台湾问题越来越成为中美关系的最大风险。处理不好，很可能对两国关系造成颠覆性破坏影响。

讨论台湾问题，首先要明确的前提是，台湾是中国领土的一部分，从来就不是一个国家。中国政府对台湾的有效行政管辖可上溯千年。1895年日本通过侵略战争，逼迫清政府割让台湾及澎湖列岛。这是中华民族蒙受的一段耻辱，而两岸中国人反抗侵略、反对分裂的斗争从未停止。

1943年中美英三国政府发表的《开罗宣言》明确规定，要把日本窃取的中国领土，包括台湾、澎湖列岛归还中国。1945年中美英共同签署的《波茨坦公告》重申，开罗宣言之条件必将实施。同年9月，日本签署《日本投降条款》，承诺忠诚履行波茨坦公告各项规定之义务。通过上述一系列具有国际法律效力的文件，中国已从法律和事实上完全收复了台湾。

显而易见，一个中国构成了二战后国际秩序的组成部分，一个中国原则已成为公认的国际关系基本准则。1971年联大第2758号决议不仅彻底解决了包括台湾在内全中国在联合国的代表权问题，也完全封堵了在国际上制造两个中国一中一台的任何空间。50年来，联合国对台湾使用的称谓一贯是中国台湾省，这就是台湾在国际法上的唯一地位。181个国家同中国建交时的政治前提同样是认同和坚持一个中国。

美方对台湾是中国一部分也是有过明确承诺的。从1972年的中美上海公报，到1978年的中美建交公报，再到1982年的八一七公报，白纸黑字、一清二楚：世界上只有一个中国，台湾是中国的一部分，中华人民共和国政府是中国的唯一合法政府。美国历届政府均明确要奉行一中政策，多位总统作出过反对台湾独立的表态，这些都记录在案。

但需要指出的是，中美建交后不久，美方就出尔反尔出台了所谓与台湾关系法，之后又内部搞出一个所谓对台六项保证，不断虚化掏空一中原则。这两个东西完全是美方单方面炮制的，与中美三个联合公报背道而驰，因而从一开始就是非法的，也是无效的，中国政府一直明确反对。

正如美国不会允许夏威夷被分裂出去一样，既然台湾是中国的一部分，中国就有权利维护国家的统一；既然中华人民共和国政府是代表全中国的唯一合法政府，就不应允许台湾当局加入任何具有主权意涵的国际组织；既然承认一个中国原则，就不应与台湾开展官方往来。这是再明白不过的道理。

美方近来不断提及台海现状，甚至指责中方改变现状。这与事实恰恰相反。坦率地讲，正是在美方的插手和纵容下，台独势力在岛内滋生蔓延，不断改变大陆台湾同属一中的根本现状，进而对台海和平稳定构成了最大威胁。台湾的民进党当局抛弃了体现一中原则的九二共识，破坏了两岸关系得来不易的和平发展局面，执意推行渐进式台独。他们在党纲中公然鼓吹台独，抛出新两国论，在台湾强行推行去中国化，煽动两岸对立，阻挠两岸交流。台独这头破坏力极强的灰犀牛正在向我们冲来，应当予以坚决制止。

在世界大国中，中国是唯一没有实现完全统一的国家，统一是全体中华儿女的共同愿望和期待，也是中国宪法的明确规定。和平统一、一国两制这一基本方针，最符合包括台湾同胞在内的中华民族整体利益，是解决大陆和台湾制度不同的最现实、最包容方案，是和平的方案、民主的方案、善意的方案、共赢的方案。两岸制度虽然不同，但这绝不是统一的障碍，更不是分裂的借口。我们始终以最大诚意、尽最大努力追求和平统一，但绝不会容忍任何旨在分裂国家的活动。我们保留采取一切必要措施的选项，针对的是触犯《反分裂国家法》的行为，绝非针对台湾同胞。制止台独分裂，捍卫领土完整，维护台海和平，是中国依据国内法、国际法行使的神圣权利。

女士们，先生们，

再过不到一个月，中国共产党将召开第二十次全国代表大会，科学规划未来五年乃至更长时期中国的发展蓝图。从诞生之日起，中国共产党既为中国人民谋幸福，为中华民族谋复兴，也为人类谋进步、为世界谋大同。我们将继续秉持这样的初心和使命，坚守和平、发展、公平、正义、民主、自由的全人类共同价值，同各国人民一道，共同推动构建人类命运共同体。

女士们，先生们，

谢谢大家！

向上滑动阅览英文全文

The Right Way for China and the United States to Get Along in the New Era

Speech by State Councilor and Foreign Minister Wang Yi At Asia Society

President Kevin Rudd of the Asia Society,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

It is good to be back in New York for the U.N. General Assembly, and meet friends again after an interval of three years.

In the last few years, a lot has happened in the world. The COVID-19 pandemic continues to wreak havoc; the global economy is in danger of a recession; and the Ukraine crisis has persisted and escalated. Issues involving food, energy, industrial and supply chains and climate change have become more acute.

The past few years have seen China-U.S. relations at a low ebb since the establishment of diplomatic ties. The reality of China-U.S. interdependence is ignored; the history of our win-win cooperation is misrepresented; channels of dialogue and communication are blocked. And the bilateral relationship is being defined and impacted dangerously by so-called strategic competition. This is bringing tremendous uncertainty to the future of our peoples and to countries across the world.

It is widely held that China-U.S. relations have well exceeded the bilateral scope and carry implications for the whole world. The global community expects China and the U.S. to take the lead, fulfill the responsibility as major countries, keep the bilateral ties stable and advance global cooperation.

Since last year, President Xi Jinping and President Joe Biden have had several rounds of strategic communication in flexible ways. President Xi pointed out that whether China and the U.S. can handle their relationship well bears on the future of the world. It is a question of the century to which the two countries must provide a good answer. President Biden said that the U.S.-China relationship is the most consequential relationship in the world, and how this relationship develops will shape the world in the 21st century.

Both Presidents agree that they should make the China-U.S. relationship work and not mess it up. They both believe the two countries should steer clear of conflict and confrontation. And they both stand for closer bilateral exchanges and cooperation. President Biden stressed many times that the U.S. does not seek a new Cold War with China; it does not aim to change China’s system; the revitalization of its alliances is not against China; the U.S. does not support Taiwan independence; and it is not looking for conflict with China. People around the world hope that these important statements are translated into real actions.

If two fine orchestras are to work together harmoniously, their conductors must first set the same tone, and all the players must follow the same music score. However, what has happened is that the U.S. team seems to have two different sets of music score. Their leader’s political will of a stable bilateral relationship has yet to be translated into logical policies. The Chinese people and people from other countries find this confusing, and would naturally raise questions:

How will the U.S. deliver on its promise of not aiming to change China’s system, when it has framed a false narrative of democracy versus authoritarianism, a narrative that deliberately amplifies an ideological confrontation with China and takes aim at China’s political system, development path and governing party?

How can a new Cold War be prevented, when the U.S. has, identifying China as the primary rival and the most serious long-term challenge, engaged in all-round containment, sought to encircle China by shaping the strategic environment around it, pressed other countries to pick sides and formed various small circles that exclude China?

How will the U.S. honor its important statement of not supporting Taiwan independence when it has, regardless of China’s strong opposition, allowed its House Speaker to visit Taiwan again after 25 years, kept elevating substantive relations with Taiwan by repeated official exchanges and arms sales including many offensive weapons, and is advancing the deliberation of the Taiwan Policy Act that threatens the very foundation of China-U.S. relations underpinned by the three Joint Communiqués?

The United States has, on the one hand, made repeated provocations on issues involving China’s core interests and development rights and interests, yet on the other, expressed a desire to keep the bilateral ties stable and prevent conflict and confrontation. This is self-contradictory in both logic and reality.

What is the crux of the matter? It boils down to how the United States perceives China, the world and itself. Be it full confrontation or strategic competition, both have deviated from the right course of China-U.S. relations.

Such deviations are dangerous and come at a high price. Mr. Kevin Rudd described the current China-U.S. relations as in a workshop with exposed wires and cables lying everywhere, water on the floor and sparks flying. Mr. Joseph Nye compared the relations to a sleepwalking syndrome that could stumble into a new Cold War. Should the United States handle its relations with China with a zero-sum mindset and continue to let political correctness misguide its China policy, it won’t find solutions to its own problems, but lead China-U.S. relations to conflict and confrontation. The message we must send, loud and clear, is that now is the time to make serious reflections and get back onto the right track!

Ladies and Gentlemen,

This year marks the 50th anniversary of President Richard Nixon’s visit to China and the 40th anniversary of the August 17 Communiqué. History matters. It made things the way they are today, and helps shape a better future when its value is appreciated.

A few days earlier I paid a visit to Dr. Kissinger. We reviewed how, with twists and turns, China and the U.S. came to common understanding 50 years ago and the wisdom reflected in that episode of history. Since day one of their engagement, China and the United States have been aware that each is dealing with a country very different from oneself. Yet, these differences were no obstacles to us breaking the ice and establishing diplomatic ties, no obstacles to us deepening cooperation based on common interests, still less to us making joint contributions to world peace and prosperity.

Looking ahead to the next fifty years, the sound and stable growth of China-U.S. relations still depends on whether we could put these differences in perspective and, on this basis, get on to pursue our respective and common interests.

Regarding the right way for China and the U.S. to get on with each other, President Xi Jinping has given a clear answer. That is mutual respect, peaceful coexistence and win-win cooperation. These three principles are an important conclusion informed by the evolution of China-U.S. relations over the past 50-odd years. They are also the right way for major countries to live with each other in this era.

Without respect, no trust can be built. Without trust, conflict would be a real danger and actual cooperation could not happen. This is an important lesson drawn from past exchanges between our two countries, and also a basic prerequisite for the bilateral ties to return to the right track.

In the Shanghai Communiqué issued 50 years ago, the two sides agreed that countries, regardless of their social systems, should conduct their relations on the principles of respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of all states, non-aggression against other states, and non-interference in the internal affairs of other states. Fifty years on, this guiding principle is all the more relevant. We now can see clearly that China will not become another United States, and the U.S. cannot mould China to its liking. Neither side is able to take the other down. This means we need to respect each other’s choices.

Defining one’s own choice as democratic and the other’s as authoritarian, and seeing success as changing the other side in one’s own image are neither consistent with the facts, nor realistic.

This path is tried and tested by the Chinese people with a clear logic of history. In modern times, the Chinese people explored relentlessly for a path to save and revitalize the nation. Various models including Western systems were put into practice, but none of them worked when they failed to fit China’s realities. By adapting Marxism to the Chinese conditions and to the traditional Chinese culture, the Communist Party of China (CPC) successfully rallied the Chinese people and led them in a united endeavor to gain national independence and liberation. Eventually, China found a right path toward prosperity and strength.

This path has opened up bright prospects for China’s modernization. We have built a moderately prosperous society in all respects, eradicated absolute poverty for the first time in the country’s history, and in a span of a few decades, transformed China from a poor and weak nation into the world’s second largest economy. China has fed nearly 20 percent of the world’s population with nine percent of its arable land. It now has a middle-income group that exceeds 400 million. The 1.4 billion Chinese people moving toward modernization and common prosperity will make a miracle come true in the history of development.

This path has brought true human rights and democracy to the Chinese people. The world’s largest social security network and compulsory education system have been set up. People’s all-round development is put front and center, and everyone stands a chance to reach one’s full potential. By integrating electoral democracy with consultative democracy, and procedural democracy with substantive democracy, we have advanced a whole-process people’s democracy that has won the people’s full support. Leading U.S. opinion polls show that the Chinese people’s approval rate of their government has stayed above 90 percent for several years running.

The Chinese people, with a time-honored civilization of 5,000 years, are confident and self-reliant, and humble and inclusive. China will unswervingly follow its chosen path and direction, and will forge ahead steadily along this path toward greater success. China will continue to draw upon the valuable experience of other countries and achievements of all civilizations, embrace the world with open arms and open its door even wider.

Some worry that China will export its ideology and threaten the values of other countries. This is completely unnecessary. China has no history of preaching to or lecturing others, and has no intention to export its system or path today. As early as 2,500 years ago, by observing the inclusiveness reflected in the laws of the universe and nature, Chinese philosophers came to the conclusion that Just as all living things grow in harmony without hurting one another, different ways may run forward without interfering with one another. Living in our times, we should approach differences with a greater largeness of heart than our ancestors, accept differences with an attitude of mutual respect, and actively pursue the state of harmony without uniformity.

Now let me move on to peaceful coexistence.

Partner or rival? Cooperation or confrontation? These are questions of fundamental importance in China-U.S. relations, and no catastrophic mistakes could be made. To hold the bottom line of peace, we must make the right choice.

I wish to tell you clearly that China chooses peace and commits to peaceful development. Our most basic expectation for China-U.S. relations is for the two countries to live with each other in peace.

As China develops, some people start to project China as a hypothetical enemy, and the so-called threat inflation ensues. This is typical excessive anxiety and is completely unnecessary.

Expansion, coercion and hegemony are never in the veins of the Chinese people. On the contrary, the Chinese believe in the ancient wisdom that a warlike state will eventually perish, and a hegemonic state is doomed to fail.

Six hundred years ago, navigator Zheng He of China’s Ming Dynasty led the most powerful fleets of his times on seven expeditions across continents, earlier than Columbus’ discovery of the new continent. Yet instead of engaging in colonization, killing or robbing, the Chinese brought tea, silk and porcelain.

I once visited a history museum in Istanbul, a meeting place of Western and Eastern cultures. An exhibition hall on the left displayed relics from Turkey’s exchanges with China, mostly silk and porcelain, whereas a room on the right showcased antiques from its exchanges with the West, mainly swords, guns and armor. These exhibitions speak to vastly different stories in history. Equating the ability to develop with an intention for expansion, or predicting China based on the beaten path of traditional powers will both result in serious misjudgment.

Today’s China is built on the heritage of ancient China. For 70-plus years since the founding of the People’s Republic, China has never provoked a conflict, occupied one inch of foreign soil, started a proxy war, or joined any military bloc. China has the best peace record among the world’s major countries. The CPC, China’s governing party, has incorporated peaceful development into its constitution, and China is the only major country that has codified peaceful development in the Constitution. China is committed to not seeking hegemony, expansion, coercion or sphere of influence, and it wants to live in peace with all other countries. This is undoubtedly a big contribution to global strategic stability.

The biggest obstacle to peaceful coexistence between China and the United States is the Cold War mentality. Just as colonialism faded out in the 20th century, the Cold War mentality has long become an anachronism in the 21st century. Some in the U.S. try to take China down by repeating the containment tactic used on the former Soviet Union, and hope to encircle China through geopolitical maneuvering like the Indo-Pacific strategy. Such attempts will only prove futile, because China is not the former Soviet Union, and the world is not what it used to be. Only after waking up from the Cold-War dream can one view and handle China-U.S. relations in a cool-headed, rational and realistic way.

Third, on win-win cooperation.

No cooperation can be based on a win-lose format. Win-win cooperation is not only possible, but also a must. This is the true narrative of China-U.S. relations in the past half a century, and it should remain the goal we both pursue.

For some time now, a few Americans have been saying that win-win cooperation is only a political slogan. We cannot agree with this. As the world’s largest developing and developed countries, China and the United States have a lot to offer each other. We enjoy broad room for cooperation in a wide range of areas covering economy and trade, energy, science and technology, education, and people-to-people and cultural exchanges. We shoulder important responsibilities in addressing global issues like COVID-19, economic recovery, climate change, terrorism, proliferation and regional hotspots. We have also worked together and accomplished big things for the good of the world, including combating terrorism, tackling financial crises, fighting Ebola, and pushing for the Paris Agreement on climate change. An unfailing truth in China-U.S. interactions is that we both stand to gain from cooperation and lose from confrontation. Cooperation is our best choice.

Undeniably, China and the U.S. have competition in areas like economy and trade, and China does not fear such competition. However, we do not agree that China-U.S. relations should be simply defined by competition, because this is not the entirety or the mainstream of this relationship. At the same time, competition should have boundaries and, more importantly, be fair play. It should be conducted in compliance with widely recognized rules, and not be fixated on undercutting the development capability of others and denying them the legitimate rights and interests. We need healthy competition that brings out the best in each other, not vicious competition that aims at each other’s demise.

One case in point here is what happened to the Chinese company Huawei. Huawei is a 100 percent private enterprise, yet the U.S. has deployed government resources to suppress it around the world, and even warned countries not to use Huawei equipment or face consequences. This is clearly not fair competition. Ideology driven, the U.S. has overstretched the concept of national security, built small yard, high fence, clamored for decoupling and cutting supply chains, pushed for friend-shoring, conceived the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework, and formed the Chip 4 Alliance. This is clearly not healthy competition. Such moves are not helpful to the U.S.’ own development. They will also disrupt global economic cooperation.

Based on equality and respect, China is willing to have more and better cooperation with the United States. Secretary of State Antony Blinken proposed, in his China policy speech, six areas for U.S.-China cooperation. In my meeting with Secretary Blinken in Bali, I also produced a list for our cooperation in eight areas. Together, we can make the list of cooperation longer and the pie of cooperation bigger. The Belt and Road Initiative, the Global Development Initiative, the Global Security Initiative, and other public goods proposed by China are open to all parties, including the United States, and China also stands ready for discussions on U.S. initiatives, to bring about win-win outcomes for our two countries and the world at large.

For cooperation to be win-win, there needs to be necessary conditions and atmosphere. It won’t do if the U.S. undermines China’s core interests and the foundation for bilateral cooperation on the one hand, and on the other, expects China to cooperate unconditionally. Such logic simply doesn’t work. Meanwhile, I wish to emphasize that no matter how China-U.S. relations may evolve, China, as a responsible major country, will remain actively engaged in addressing the many global challenges, fulfill its responsibilities, and make its contribution. We hope the U.S. will do the same.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

The Taiwan question is at the heart of China’s core interests; the one-China principle is the cornerstone of the political foundation for China-U.S. relations; the three China-U.S. Joint Communiqués are the most crucial guardrails for our relations. As things stand, the Taiwan question is growing into the biggest risk in China-U.S. relations. Should it be mishandled, it is most likely to devastate our bilateral ties.

In 1943, the governments of China, the United States and the United Kingdom issued the Cairo Declaration, which stated in explicit terms that all the territories Japan has stolen from the Chinese, such as Taiwan and the Penghu Islands, shall be restored to China. The 1945 Potsdam Declaration signed by the three countries reiterated that the terms of the Cairo Declaration shall be carried out. When Japan signed the Instrument of Surrender in September later that year, it pledged to carry out the provisions of the Potsdam Declaration in good faith. The aforementioned legally-binding international instruments have fully restored Taiwan to China, both de jure and de facto.

It is evident that one-China has become part of the post-war international order, and the one-China principle, a universally recognized basic norm of international relations. The U.N. General Assembly Resolution 2758 adopted in 1971 not only resolved once and for all the representation of the whole of China, Taiwan included, within the United Nations, but also eliminated any room for creating two Chinas or one China, one Taiwan in the international community. Over the past five decades, the U.N. has always referred to Taiwan as Taiwan, Province of China: this is Taiwan’s only status in international law. Recognizing and adhering to one-China is also the political prerequisite for all the 181 countries in establishing diplomatic ties with China.

The U.S. also made unequivocal commitment of recognizing Taiwan as part of China. It is stated in black and white in the 1972 Shanghai Communiqué, the 1978 Communiqué on the establishment of diplomatic relations, and the August 17 Communiqué of 1982, that there is but one China and Taiwan is part of China, and the Government of the People’s Republic of China is the sole legal Government of China. Successive U.S. administrations have clearly reaffirmed their commitment to the one-China policy and several U.S. Presidents have stated their opposition to Taiwan independence. All these have been kept on record.

However, not long after China and the U.S. established diplomatic ties, the U.S. side went back on its word and passed the Taiwan Relations Act, followed by the so-called internal Six Assurances, constantly fudging and hollowing out the one-China principle. Both were unilateral moves by the U.S. side. They run counter to the three China-U.S. Joint Communiqués. Hence, they are null and void from the very beginning, and the Chinese government has all along made clear its opposition.

Just as the U.S. will not allow Hawaii to be split away, China has the right to uphold the unification of the country as Taiwan is part of China. Since the Government of the People’s Republic of China is recognized as the sole legal government representing the whole of China, Taiwan should not be allowed to join any international organization with sovereign implications. If one recognizes the one-China principle, one should not engage in any official interactions with Taiwan. The logic here cannot be simpler.

Recently the U.S. has repeatedly referred to the status quo in the Taiwan Strait, and even accused China of changing the status quo. This is the very opposite of truth. To be frank, it is with U.S. interference and connivance that Taiwan independence forces have grown and expanded. They have kept making changes to the fundamental status quo that both sides of the Strait belong to one and the same China, and hence pose the biggest threat to peace and stability across the Taiwan Strait. The Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) authorities have jettisoned the 1992 Consensus which embodies the one-China principle, undermined the hard-earned prospect of peaceful development of cross-Strait relations, and been bent on pursuing incremental independence. They have publicly called for Taiwan independence in the party platform, dished out a new two states theory, pressed for de-sinicization on the island, and stoked antagonism and obstructed exchanges across the Strait. Taiwan independence, like a highly destructive gray rhino charging toward us, must be resolutely stopped.

Of all the major countries in the world, China is the only one that is yet to realize complete reunification. National reunification is the shared wish and aspiration of all the Chinese sons and daughters. It is also clearly stipulated in China’s Constitution. Peaceful reunification and One country, Two systems — this fundamental guideline best meets the overall interests of the Chinese nation including the Taiwan compatriots, and represents the most practicable and inclusive solution to addressing the difference in system between the mainland and Taiwan. Such a solution is peaceful, democratic, of goodwill and benefits both sides.

Although the two sides of the Taiwan Strait practise different systems, it is not an obstacle to reunification, still less an excuse for secession. We have always worked with the greatest sincerity and effort to pursue peaceful reunification. But, we will never tolerate any activity aimed at secession. We reserve the option of taking all necessary measures. This position is designed to forestall actions that violate the Anti-Secession Law; it in no way targets the fellow Chinese in Taiwan. Checking separatist activities for Taiwan independence, upholding territorial integrity and safeguarding peace in the Taiwan Strait is a sacred right that China exercises in accordance with domestic and international law.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

In less than a month, the Communist Party of China will convene its 20th National Congress to draw a well-conceived blueprint for China’s development in the next five years and beyond. Since its founding, the CPC has taken happiness of the people and rejuvenation of the nation as its mission, and has also worked to advance progress of humanity and greater good for the world. Keeping to this founding aspiration, we will stand by the common values of humanity of peace, development, equity, justice, democracy and freedom, and work with people in all countries to jointly advance the building of a community with a shared future for mankind.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

President Xi Jinping noted that, The most important event in international relations over the past 50 years was the reopening and development of China-U.S. relations, which has benefited the two countries and the whole world. The most important event in international relations in the coming 50 years will be for China and the U.S. to find the right way to get along. It is our hope that China and the U.S. will draw on past experience to find inspiration for the present, and gain strength for going forward. Together, let us explore a way to a China-U.S. relationship for the new era and create a better future for both of our countries!

Thank you.

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